A suicide attack in Islamabad, during the visit of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and his delegation, killed dozens, sending a stark warning to Central Asian countries planning trade, economic, or defense corridors through Pakistan.
The attack came just a day after the President of Kazakhstan completed a state visit to Pakistan. During this visit, both countries announced a strategic partnership and signed 37 memorandums of understanding. However, Pakistan’s fragile security situation, strained relations with Afghanistan, closed borders, and instability in Afghanistan make establishing lasting and mutually beneficial economic, trade, and cultural ties with Central Asian states extremely difficult.
Pakistan’s access to Central Asia depends entirely on Afghanistan. Without Afghan cooperation, Pakistan cannot reach Central Asia by land, nor can it acquire oil, gas, or minerals from there. Roads and railway lines cannot be built without Afghan support.
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Historically, Afghanistan relied on Pakistan, particularly the Karachi port, for imports. But in the past, Pakistan had little incentive to maintain relations with the Soviet Union due to Cold War dynamics. Today, however, Pakistan needs trade relations with Central Asia and Russia, which is impossible without a cooperative relationship with Afghanistan. Yet Afghan sentiment—whether Taliban or opposition—is largely hostile to Pakistan. Until Pakistan and Afghanistan resolve their disputes, Pakistan’s vision of accessing Central Asian and Eurasian markets will remain a dream.
Another obstacle is the prevalence of religious extremism in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Central Asian states, having been part of the Soviet Union, remain secular and oppose religious extremism, which they see as a major threat to stability. Pakistan, in contrast, has cultivated religious militancy for decades, beginning with General Zia-ul-Haq’s jihad against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and this mindset persists in the military and society.
Central Asian states, with high literacy rates and multicultural societies, view Pakistan’s religious extremism as incompatible with their approach to governance and social harmony. Consequently, Pakistan-Central Asia relations have not progressed as quickly as desired. India, by contrast, has developed stronger ties with these states.
Pakistan’s internal security situation is another major difference. Violence, terrorism, and intolerance are common, whereas Central Asian states maintain law and order rigorously. In Pakistan, death and violence are normalized, whereas globally, life is valued, and scientific advancements aim to prolong it.
Meanwhile, Pakistan and Afghanistan focus on high birth rates, often leading to overpopulation, poverty, and radicalization through unregulated religious schooling. In contrast, global societies increasingly focus on extending and improving life rather than uncontrolled population growth.
Religious extremism in Pakistan is deeply rooted in social attitudes, family upbringing, and the education system. Addressing terrorism requires far more than arrests or military operations; it demands societal and systemic reform. The public reaction to the transfer of an extremist-affiliated police officer in Sawabi, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, shows how entrenched extremist sympathies are. Until such societal change occurs, attacks like the Islamabad suicide bombing will continue, and Pakistan will remain perceived as a dangerous state.
Sheraz akram Paracha
